Japanese International Parental Child Abduction – JIPCA – Human Rights Committee:Congressional Hearing Live Feed


Watch the Congressional hearing on-going now, on international parental abduction

including Jeffery Morehouse testifying… and Ambassador Susan Jacobs

After the live feed is done, find some recorded portions here:
Obama Administration Reviewed: Goldman Act Hearing – Return American Children

Posted in Japan Child Abduction | 7 Comments

Juridical Placebo

The Emancipation Of Children Is Still Far Off

State-Dept-entrance 3ESaturday, March 21- Sunday, March 22, 2015

On March 25th, the Human Rights Committee of the world-class, immoderately insane body of legislators known as the U.S. House of Representatives will host an important event in its legislative oversight role: it will review the operations of the U.S. response to the international abduction of children, a category with soaring numbers and immensely and overwhelmingly traumatic consequences for the children and parents who are its victims. At this Human Rights committee hearing, Office of Children’s Issues Ambassador-at-Large Susan Jacobs will  unfortunately take advantage of yet another opportunity to lie like a rug on behalf of the Department of State and the Obama Administration and claim that the U.S. and Japan are helping parents of internationally abducted children. After she has done making eyes at the committee chair and pretending to be seriously engaged, two parents of abducted children will have the floor to testify on behalf of parents everywhere in mourning for the psychologically violent and exclusionary loss of our children to the insistently myth-stricken, monoculturalist government of Japan and the increasingly violent and hideous government of India. The parents who will testify are my friend Jeffery Morehouse and Bindu Philips.

People will wag their fingers at me for saying it so bluntly, but we know exactly what Susan “Ambassador” Jacobs is going to say well before she says it, and can also describe how her remarks will be forumlated to feign sympathy for the parents and children who are victims of DOS/ MOFA chicanery, and how she will claim “a tremendous amount of progress has been made” because of two or three international abduction cases that were mediated outside of any court or Hague process in the last year, thus leaving thousands of other children unrescued, thousands of other cases untouched, and none ajudicated in the family court on which the Hague Convention supposedly invests jurisidiction, much less  power of protection for the vulnerable huddling under its leaky umbrella.

March 2015 Congressional Hearing on International Child Abduction

Meet the Professionalized ‘Officialdom’ of International Child Abduction

Since the spring of 2014, a number of parents of children who have been kidnapped to Japan have begrudgingly applied under the severe coercion of our circumstances, under the provisions of the U.S. DOS-OCI’s favored toy, the Hague Convention Article 21, which claims to require that parents of abducted children have access to their children restored. After five months of delay from the U.S. and Japanese governments, I received what I believe is a close-to-standard message from the Department of State’s OCI in response which I can describe as follows: 1) the State Department Office of Children’s Issues has devised no assistance to offer in defense of children or parents; but it has cheerfully acted instead as the willing messenger of the same primary representatives of the professional class of Japanese international child abduction (Ohnuki Kensuke, in my case), who now require that either I/we offer terms (which they are under no obligation to accept, ostensibly under Japanese “Alternative Dispute Resolution” (more on this in a moment), and which would therefore be pointless to pursue); or, 2) the law states that, alternatively, I may now proceed (as we all now can) to buy access to a hearing in identical Japanese family courtrooms to the ones which stole jurisdiction and made a formal legal gesture of the abductions of our children: in the case of my son Rui, in 2011, a year after his disappearance in 2010. Neither of these two options contains any potential for benefit to us as parents, nor certainly to our children. But that is not their purpose, a subject that we must explore further.  Neither are either in any way binding; nor do either grant me and/ or my son any real, equal, defensible, or reciprocal rights. So I have not cooperated with Japan’s abduction industry by going any further as of yet.

“ADR” a la Japonaise

Two more points of great importance at this time:

(1) the State Department knows very well that Japanese incorporation of “alternative dispute resolution” into its institutional process of professional, legal child abduction is understood by Japanese mediators not only as a non-binding form of  dispute resolution, but is actually “conciliation-mediation”, a creature quite different from dispute resolution. Conciliation-mediation means that the non-residential, rights-violated parent has to select one of these choices: Either: (a) agree to lose your child, and…  lose your child; or, (b) DO NOT agree to lose your child, in which case you are liable. That is, you are deemed to be acting against the “spirit of conciliation”, and you are therefore more than likely to have the loss of your child again reaffirmed in the family court ruling which (theoretically, “legally”) must follow.

The second point of great importance at this time, in my view: (2) International law, strikingly in the instance of non-binding, non-criminal law treaties like the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of the International Abduction of Children, is a formal relation that is structured to create an illusion that our protections and those we possess on behalf of our children are now a part of what the US insists on, which is the systemic “interoperability” of numerous aspects of the US and allied legal and technological systems (such as those of the Japanese), in which the appearance of equality, universality, and reciprocity is foisted on socially and /or politically unequal parties. We parents have much in common with the private rights-violated, rights-deprived parents of Japan, but very little in common with these systemic objectives of the US Departments of State and Defense and the US policy establishment which, after all, is directly responsible for the return of Abe Shinzo to power, as Prime Minister.² The option of entering into a court legal process in Japan that has been sanctioned by the Japanese and American national governments cannot achieve an outcome for which it is neither designed nor an outcome which its practice is built to prevent; nor has this outcome even been achieved by indirection or accident. The form of the relations  enacts its self-perpetuation, and can’t be otherwise, because neither we nor Japanese parents have the necessary powers there to protect our rights nor our children’s rights.

Who (or What) is the Subject of International Law?

 I don’t want to make the ineffectual responses of OCI chair-warmers into the issue. What after all do they have to offer, but angst-inducing, empty, formulary statements? I wish I were able to attend the hearing on Wednesday, to offer what morale support I could to Jeffery Morehouse. He speaks for us.

I suspect we parents will not have many, (if any) more opportunities to make statements in the U.S. Congress, nor to protest the violation of our rights in that forum, although I hope that by some miracle, some of us do. The Department of State remains the institutional subject of this battle over international law; and before Jeffery gets to the table to speak, Susan Jacobs will be there first, making the usual statements about what wonderful hard-working (sic) persons she and the members of her DOS subdivision are, and how proudly they have been able to successfully place a legal document on file stating that Japan is a signatory, a part of the international community of human rights treaty partners. She will make her stand on that basis – stating that she and her fellow OCI and DOS colleagues can take *credit* for having created a marvelous chunk of institutional progress – a convention signing – without resorting to sanctioning the violators of our rights and the ruiners of our lives and those of our children.

Treaties: Form’s Pseudo-Equality

If I were able to testify – about as likely as a second solar eclipse occurring this week – I would say some of the above to illustrate how governing agencies like the Department of State use the “treaty form” as a wedge, not against Japanese international family abduction, and not as a weapon against the violation and violent ruin of children and their parents; but as a wedge against popular opinion, which if it were allowed to develop and speak, would unquestionably favor that parents and children be protected from Japan and its family court practices, as well as many other aspects of contemporary life in which a globalized world brushes territorially-distant people against one another and causes them harm against which they have no sufficient or effective defensive structures.

I would put it this way, more or less: international law, particularly non-binding, non-criminal law treaties like the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of the International Abduction of Children, exists to create an illusory appearance of equality, universality, and reciprocity between socially and politically unequal parties. The measure of its “success” is the degree to which it is able to make it appear that the parties are equal, universally protected, and reciprocally obligated, rather than permitting the true condition of their relations to be made visible: that of unequal parties to the conflict, whose differential levels of social power render the equality and reciprocity between them fictive.

A brief examination of international law history readily reveals this. The origins of international law lie in declarations of equality – legal equality – between technologically proficient, emerging national polities like those of the ocean-going European colonialists of Spain and Portugal on the one hand, and the tribally organized agrarian and hunter-gatherer peoples of North America on the other. Land would be made available for cultivation and settlement, and Aztec gold would be available for trade, because the “law” created and disseminated by the European powers as they emerged insisted on it; otherwise, the law said, the “rights” of the Spanish to trade (in the Aztec gold, or to occupy the territory for economic exploitation) would be violated, thus authorizing the Spanish Conquistadors to make war to ‘defend’ those ‘rights.’ The legal right itself was designated as reciprocal: should the Native American tribesmen choose to canoe their way across the Atlantic and offer trade in exchange for European wealth, they would have to be entitled to that right, or could legally make war on the Europeans for not honoring it. That they did not gather up their bows and arrows and do so, well… that’s their own fault.¹ Oh, and by the way, the European powers wrote the laws, too.

Japanese international child abduction, presented to the public as a private matter that is now regulated under a multi-lateral treaty between legally equal and reciprocally constituted entities (the State, now being the subject of all international law), is a direct case of an unchanged international law logic. The questionable presumptions underlying this include the idea that the State represents not itself, but the sovereign people. Sovereignty, despite the myriad ways in which power circulates and is captured today, is insisted upon by the State Department and its staff as principle number one, despite the numerous ways the principle is obviously flaunted. This renders our children unprotected on the basis of a seriously eroded territorial-jurisdiction-convceived structure of law which has little to do with the operations of contemporary global power.

Thus, we are Free… Free to defeat the Japanese state, and free to overcome the obstacles placed in our paths by the full organizational heft of the State Department and the forceful maintenance of its interests in creating an environment supportive of enormously powerful financial institutions; supportive of the wielding of massive levels of infrastructural, energy, resource and capital development; supportive of forward military base construction on territory of “our” choosing for profit-making, power projection, and to provide launching pads for future East Asian policing and war-making, over and against the will of the populations of the territories on which the wars are projected to take place. And all of this is rumored to take place under the guidance of a Swiss clock-like reciprocal, egalitarian, “democratic” rights-respecting, globally-scaled structural order of which the Hague Convention is a minute but necessary part.

Except that we have no say in its construction; and our children are ineligible for protection under the law.

If children are ever to be protected from abuse and harm, then the voices of their protectors, we who love them,  must be heard. What stands the best chance of getting those voices heard, I claim, is for parents to break the insularity of family politics today, to see and claim as strongly as we can bear it, the commonalities of our oppression with that of numerous others who are harmed in similar or somewhat disparate ways by similar *forms* – legally sanctioned forms – of abjection and abuse, and whose claims to the right to live and be minimally secure are ignored in favor of a violently and oppressively maintained privileged few. To me, the large and unwieldy core of this process would entail the reconstitution of democracy: the democratization of institutions in which people can be authentic participants.


1 I’m very grateful and indebted to China Mieville’s discussion of just war for this example. It can be found in Between Equal Rights, (Haymarket Books, 2006, pp. 174-177).

2 There are ample resources demonstrating the role that the United States has played in the origins, building, re-building and restoration to power of the LDP in general, and of Shinzo Abe in particular. An outstanding recent source is R.Taggart Murphy’s Japan and the Shackles of the Past, Oxford University Press, 2014. Others include Gavin McCormack, Client State, Verso, 2007;  Jeff Kingston, ed.,Critical Issues in Contemporary Japan, Routledge, 2014. And many others.

Posted in BACHome, Brian Prager, 誘拐犯, Hague Convention, Japan Child Abduction, Japanese Child Abduction, Jeffery Morehouse, Machiko Terauchi, Ohnuki Kensuke Child Abductor, Parental abduction, Rui Prager, Rui Terauchi, 寺内るい, 寺内真智子 | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , | 2 Comments

March 11th – Anniversary of Japan’s Well-Learned Lesson: ‘Never Let a Serious Crisis Go to Waste’

Four years to the day, on March 11, 2011, precisely nine months into Rui’s abduction, the triple disaster struck Japan.  Earthquake, tsunami, and multiple nuclear plant meltdowns.

On that day, Japan nuked itself.

The surrounding lands and population stood no chance against the ruin of the extensive nuclear power station networks knowingly built in what is perhaps the world’s single most precarious earthquake zone. The reactors at Fukushima Daichi which melted down have proceeded to leak vast amounts of radioactivity into the air, the ground water and the ocean, with still no end in sight. Today, numerous reports make it clear that the radioactivity leaked into the Pacific by Tepco is on a still-increasingly devastating scale, despite withering official denial. That the governments of Japan and the United States have consistently covered up and lied about the extent of the danger from the first is not secret. But by virtue of the rule of “plausible deniability” which has long served the interests of Japan’s corporate and governmental oligarchy and its intimate partnership with the U.S., the U.S. and Japan have evaded responsiblity for the ongoing contamination of the seas, marine life, and the agricultural produce of the region. And they will continue to strive to evade taking cognizance of the consequences in the form of thyroid and other cancers in children, in the devastation of livelihoods and homes, in ruined lives, and in early deaths.

Today, Japan is undergoing a political transformation unequaled since what most of us believed to be the final defeat of Japanese fascism in 1945. But as in Europe and South Asia, fascism is now in a state of revival. Remarkably since the nuclear disaster, the LDP- the political party most responsible for building the nuclear industry into the *core* of Japanese capitalism- has been returned to power by election. The LDP leadership, filled with the children and inheritors of the wealth and class benefits of the era of fascist rule, is now at the pinnacle of  capital-state power in prime positions of authority throughout the economic and political establishment. Currently, with the closely held, unqualified support and full partnership of the range of United States political and military powers, the ruling party has seized the opportunity provided by the nuclear crisis, following as it did on the heels of the massive and lingering global economic crisis, and is working on multiple fronts to suppress the corruption and rot in the reputation of Japan’s past and present ruling elites, “restore” a rosy retrospective veneer of respectability to the brutality of the former fascist regime of the imperial years, and to alter Japanese educational and legal-constitutional institutions to achieve these ends. Ultimately of course, the goal is to give Japan’s elites a more direct and effective position from which to obtain the benefits of technocratic power, wealth, and influence in global economic, political and military affairs, even if doing so requires the country to further embrace its role as U.S. vassal and client state, and to supress all internal opposition at least until it is able to attain these aims. The continual push towards realization of these latter aims is profligate: most recently, in the suppression of democratic opposition to the destructive location of the enormous U.S. military facility at Henoko in Okinawa; the passage of deeply consequential state security laws aimed at suppressing press freedom and the development, organization and expression of dissent; the seemingly never-ending efforts at forced silencing of historical record and overturning of an internationally recognized consensus with regard to the invasions, occupations, and abuse of populations throughout East Asia in the first half of the 20th century; and the current efforts to revise, circumvent, or override the Japanese constitution ( for the LDP top leadership, either one will do) in order to free up the process of Japanese remilitarization.

And then, in yet another sideshow, the revival of Japan’s nuclear power industry, inclusive of the sale of technologies to the Japanese right’s neo-fascist political allies abroad. The current regime in command of the Japanese vassal state, it seems, will stop at nothing.

Since nine months before the nuclear disaster and massive violence of the 2011 tsunami and earthquake, I have not heard nor seen any image, nor heard any news of my son, much less the sound of his voice or feel of his touch. Since that same time period, I have not seen any image, nor heard any news, nor heard any sound, nor felt any feeling, nor had any thought that did not carry with it the reminder of the loss, sorrow and urgency of the unknown life and whereabouts of my missing boy, Rui.

this post is for him

Rui Skype snapshot 04 - 10

And for all the victims of the tsunami, nuclear meltdown, and the lethal partnership of US and Japanese capital.

¹ (Post title borrows from Philip Mirowski’s well-known book on the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. H/t to Professor Mirowski!)

Posted in Brian Prager, 誘拐犯, Fukushima Crisis, Japan Child Abduction, Japan Nuclear Radiation Crisis, Japanese Child Abduction, Machiko Terauchi, Parental abduction, Rui Prager, Rui Terauchi, 寺内るい, 寺内真智子 | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , | 8 Comments

Lament 2014

Santa says

Santa asks: What do you want now, child?
I want the rightful return to me and to his home of my deeply loved son, Rui, who at any moment day or night – whether I’m laughing, crying, meditating, desperate to escape into some reverie, raging with bursting-at-the-seams angst at lies and unjust lives for me, my son, and for beasts like us everywhere- mostly for Rui- is never anywhere but foremost in my broken thoughts and  heart.


I’ve had no contact and no communication with my son, nor with anyone in Japan who knows of his whereabouts, nor with anyone, official or otherwise, willing to try to assist in the discovery of his whereabouts nor in his return from the kidnapping for 4 ½ years. The indifference continues to be deafening.

I was forced this year to submit an application for “visitation” with my missing, kidnapped child by the US Department Of State/Japan Ministry of Foreign Affairs agreement under terms set out in the Hague Convention, in a process (Japanese government agencies particularly love to designate as “system” and “process” when the naked coercive power of the state is activated) to support and sustain the June 2010 Japanese kidnapping of my only child, a citizen of the United States, and the kidnappings to Japan of hundreds of other kids. I did so under protest.

The application went to Japan in the spring, 2014 along with those of other parents, submitted as a group via a DC law firm. My application under the auspices of the Hague Convention was not acknowledged as having been received by the Japanese government until August 25th, 2014, a full five months after the fucked up US / Japan-brokered agreement to ratify Japan’s accesssion to the irrelevant and useless Hague Convention went into effect.

I was given nothing more in return than a MOFA-generated application case number.

I was told by the US Department of State to expect a response shortly from the Japanese pro-abduction advocate, twice disbarred lawyer Kensuke Ohnuki, and Rui’s mother, Machiko Terauchi. This is the calibre and level of integrity of persons relied on by the US Department of State.
Obviously the response, as expected, did not arrive.

getting out of the black hole 3B

Japan tortures too. Nearly every person arrested is tortured so that police can maintain its famous 99% conviction rate. No right to lawyers present; no reading of jailed or arrested person’s rights, because they don’t exist. Japan tortures children…. and tortures parents to death by kidnapping their children.


Accustomed but never resigned to this bitter experience and abject, abusive and traumatic treatment, I eventually insisted in angry letters to the Department of State’s joke Office of Children’s Issues that a response be obtained. I was promised by the case officer there that the response from Japan would arrive in early November.
As in every instance prior to this, the response did not arrive. Surprised yet? You see where this is going.

In December 2014, on the 12th of the month, after scathing, bitter, angry letters from me to the DOS official, I at last received a reply: an invitation to communicate – voluntarily-  with the internationally known abduction advocate, Kensuke Ohnuki, about “visitation” arrangements with my son. This contact with the equally not-obligated-by-any-law-or-standard, senior advocates of kidnapping in Japan is known ironically by the U.S. and Japanese governments as “mediation.” The stated goal is a “conciliation” agreement of some kind. Imagine the laughs they are having over their Christmas dinners at that!

It is important to note that officials in DOS all know Ohnuki and his long-term involvement in the abductions of children very well: he is a sort of Adolf Eichmann of the Japanese child abduction process, in which the technology of international child abduction has been offered to induce Japanese people residing in the United States to abduct children to Japan. It is a narrative for another day to discuss the whys and wherefores of this. Why, particularly if there is no really great wealth to be made from this, would a person want to become a professional abductor of children? The rewards in Japanese society have to be other and more than monetary; and so, they are.

Ohnuki has made his career violating the sovereignty of the United States (something the US government is indifferent to, because coporations do this gladly with the support of the US government every day – and because violating other countries’ sovereignty is the USA’s stock in trade (heard of Henoko, anybody? How about Futenma?) and stealing rights of citizenship (something the US government also welcomes indifferently, provided the citizen in question is not economically or politically connected). This is where the juicy parts of the story lie in terms of the motivating elements, those noble human traits for which explanation is more death-driven and dark. (And it is vitally important, though certainly more speculative in nature.)

Department of State Steps In

In addition, I received another message from the Department of State, also in December 2014, in which I was told that, optionally, I can petition a Japanese family court with my choice of a Japanese family-law lawyer for entirely legally unenforceable “visitation & access” to my kidnapped son, along the lines of the usual Japanese family court parent-child access customs: typically, this is, say, 4 unenforceable, voluntary visits per year of about 2 or 3 hours each, to be held in Japan, at my expense, in custody of and under the watchful eye of the US-allied LDP-ruled Japanese state and the Japanese police. Keep in mind; a Japanese family court can adjudicate the case and decide on this sort of “visitation.” And having done so, it has no authority of any kind, none, on which to enforce such a shitty visitation schedule. So your big hope? It’s six or eight hours per year with your child, in a prison-like, two-way mirrored panopticon room. Or not. Your rights to this are worse than fictional; they cannot and will not be enforced, because the state… doesn’t wanna.

This is exactly the same Japanese family court system which illegally, routinely steals and stole jurisdiction from the US-based courts such as the one where my son’s case had been previously adjudicated, and has done so routinely for 40 to 60 years, issuing its own rulings, indifferent to the well being of the family involved, particularly the children involved, and declaring the complete removal of my and my son’s parent-child rights. This is the same Japanese “family court system” – with no rule changes, changes of point of view, or customary changes of any kind- that accepted and still now accepts completely fictional reports made by the abductor, Kensuke Ohnuki, and a series of paid abduction services.

More Human Rights Abuses to Target Children and Parents

The abuses to which I and my child have been and are still now being subjected are too numerous to ennumerate in toto today.

Here are a few of them:

My son was subjected to a faked, highly destructive and negative psychological evaluation, which made a wholly erroneous diagnostic description and applied an openly, blatantly inadequate procedural standard of examination, complete with absurd and baldly misconstrued conclusions – all of which was accepted as fact by the Japanese family court. Why? To provide the necessary ritualized cover that the US/ Japan constitutional government- liberal democratic veneer requires in order to legitimize to themselves the US-Japan partnership. (See? Treaties! Elections! Rule of law (big joke?). Now they can demonize and / or ally against China and Russia.)

Fuji TV 2

As presented on Japanese television

The abuctor, Machiko Terauchi, made multiple false statements, concocted exaggerated scenarios, and intentionally distorted claims in order to justify to the family court judge in Japan that she was acting in good faith in kidnapping my son. Of course she was not, and it was and is painfully obvious; but that didn’t matter then, and it matters to the US  and Japanese states even less now. (Together, they have driven social democratic challenges to LDP dominance of previous decades under the rails, and can now proceed with the alliance, the establishment of newly intensified, 21st century hyper-intrusive trans-national economic agreements, the arms build up, the militarization of E. Asia, etc. that US and Japanese rulers want to profit from). Now I have been given the opportunity to re-enter the SAME Japanese family court system with the SAME lawyers, judges and court procedures and rules, in order to negotiate a mediated agreement with the hostage-takers who are holding my lovely, loved and bewildered son.

Fuji TV 1

As we were: Machiko Terauchi, child abductor; Rui Prager, my son; and Brian Prager, Rui’s father

As of this date, I have not responded to these two messages from the Department of State. I’m at a loss as to what to do. This is not a movie.

The corecion involved in forcing this “application for visitation” on my son and me should be regarded as extreme and criminal. Having had no meaningul assistance from either (and concerted delay and dissimulation by the agencies of both) the United States and Japanese government – no contact or location attempts with my child; no follow up on the criminal charge of international kidnapping levied here in NY; no request for extradition on the criminal charge of kidnapping my child; multiple repeated refusals of cooperation from Japanese authorities and from Ohnuki and his people; refusal of all repeated requests for contact, for welfare reports, for whereabouts reports, and for any report on his well-being during, before, or since the 3-11 triple disaster earthquake, tsunami and atomic irradiation of Japanese agriculture, and all south and western urban areas. After all this, I know of no recourse for my and my son’s defense.

However I see nothing but repetition and compulsive coverups in any and all of these more recent developments which would entitle the Reichsführers’ representative Kensuke Ohnuki, the kidnapper Machiko Terauchi, the Ministry of Justice or of Foreign Affairs, and significantly the US Department of State and the Embassy to pretend that they have attempted to bring about a just resolution to my son’s kidnapping. The US State Department and embassy are full partners in the crime, and they have always been.

I received, for example, a pretty letter some two or so years ago from the celebrity U.S. ambassador to Japan, Caroline Kennedy, promising continued efforts to secure our rights and protect our children. Pretty, but completely without grounding in any material reality or juridical support, aside from the material reality of pleasure-cognition in the brain cells of those who feel better for having written a letter promising false hopes and making false promises. She has done absolutely nothing since having this letter written by her servants but suck up to the neo-fascist Prime Minister of Japan, Shinzo Abe, as he seeks to rewrite the history of modern Japan from that of an imperial power intent on conquest, mass murder, and enslavement. Her presence at Abe and the LDP’s elbow has a particularly poignant and ugly irony given the politically and physically hideous murder of her father and U.S. President.

What can you distill from this long message? By their indifferent and callous actions in relation to Japan, US government officials have garnered only the enmity of the Japanese people who have to live with the humiliating and destructive presence of US military bases, and who are incrementally subjected to coercion and brainwashing on behalf of an avidly American state-supported LDP-dominated Japanese government that sustains  anti-democratic, culturally and politically stifling actions and sentiments and distorition of the modern history of Japan and its relations, not only as a client of the ruling class privileges of elites in the United States, but in sustaining bad relations with elites and multitudes alike in its neighboring states.

We Know About Them By Now:

If there is anything I would like to convey, it is that that are those among us who know:
We know that the US Department of State is not in Washington nor in Tokyo to protect ordinary people, nor decent American people’s interests;
We know also the very, very basic element in the existence of relations between states: that there is no law without both powers of enforcement and a degree of popular consent; in the absence of these, there is only coercion.

Neither I and the US parents, nor the parents of Japan, have consented to this rape of our children and destruction of our families. And none of us are so stupid or foolish as to believe that our interests are served by the increasingly coercive and illegitimate power exercised against us by the US state.

I want my child returned home. I cannot negotiate with criminals who hold a gun to my head, and to my son’s head, or threaten either of us with a locked prison cell.

I cannot negotiate peaceful terms with the vicious and criminal ones who committed the abduction. It is not within my powers to offer them terms for negotiation over my son’s body and well being. I cannot make offers to drop charges on behalf of states that do not even deign to represent me: the US and Japanese states, constituted states as they are. If the State offers Ms Terauchi the right to a consideration of a jail sentence or a mediation of the responsibility of her crimes against our son and me, then that is their decision to make, not mine. I want my son back. My life and his can never be righted; but for this crime to go on unpunished and unacknowledged is no less a crime than that that is played on the victims of war, rape and sexual enslavement, military occupation, drone strikes on family picnics and atomic and incendiary bombing of wooden cities.

There are fates worse than death. The abduction of my son is one of them.


John Coltrane: Lonnie’s Lament

Posted in Ambassador Caroline Kennedy, Brian Prager, 誘拐犯, Hague Convention, Japan Child Abduction, Machiko Terauchi, Ohnuki Kensuke Child Abductor, Parental abduction, Rui Prager, Rui Terauchi, United Nations Human Rights Council, 寺内るい, 寺内真智子 | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 1 Comment